Showing posts with label vaccination. Show all posts
Showing posts with label vaccination. Show all posts

Friday, 28 November 2014

Childhood illness in twentieth-century Ireland by Ida Milne

In this month's blog post, Dr Ida Milne,  Irish Research Council ELEVATE fellow co-funded by Marie Curie Actions, writes about her postdoctoral project on childhood illness in twentieth-century Ireland.

We live in an era where we expect our children to survive to adulthood without having their lives threatened by common infectious diseases of childhood.  The situation was rather different in the Ireland of the early part of the twentieth century. In 1911, more than 2,000 infants under the age of two died from diarrhoeal illnesses, almost double the number that died the previous year.  The increase was not helped by the hot summer, which exacerbated the hygiene difficulties in an era when many houses, even of the affluent, did not have running water or flush toilets. As a twenty first century mother, I find the idea of nursing a child suffering from diarrhoea in an overcrowded third floor  bathroomless tenement almost unimaginable. 

Child mortality in the early-twentieth century


Having healthy children who would survive to adulthood was not taken as the norm, as we do now. Statistics tabulated by the Registrar-General in 1911 show that one-fifth of the total 72,475 deaths in 1911 were children under 5; of these, 945 were caused by ‘convulsions’ and 1,370 by bronchitis. Scarlet fever claimed the lives of 260 children under fifteen; 460 under-fifteens died from measles, and 819 under tens from whooping cough.  

Slums in Dublin, c.1865-1914 (Image from NLI collection: L_ROY_07881)


Dublin tenements, poverty, and childhood illness


Few families, rich or poor, remained untouched by these deaths, but the over-crowded living conditions of the poor could bring extremes of ill health. Stella Larkin McConnon, trade unionist James Larkin’s granddaughter, told me that the poor health of the nation’s children was one reason he became so interested in improving living conditions for families.  The Larkins had good reason to be aware of the suffering.  Stella’s own mother was brought up in Marlborough Street in the heart of Dublin’s tenements, and was the only one of ten children to survive to adulthood.  Stella still remembers visiting the tenement, one room with only one metal bed, the only toilet downstairs in another part of the tenement, the cooking done on an open fire.

Improving child health


By 1981, the landscape of death in childhood had changed radically. There were no deaths in either Northern Ireland or the Republic from scarlet fever or whooping cough, and only two from measles.  Only 2.78 per cent of the total deaths, 916 of 32,929, were of children under five.

Many factors contributed to the improvements over the course of the twentieth century:  among them vaccination schemes and more effective medicines, public health education and increased state intervention in the health of children, better housing and diet and improved air quality. It didn’t happen by accident – throughout the century, there were individuals who identified areas to change and worked to effect that change.  Their number includes the first chief medical officer for Dublin, Sir Charles Cameron, trade unionists like James Larkin who worked to give families a decent wage, pioneering TB Dr Dorothy Stopford Price,  Department of Local Government and Public Health Chief Medical Officer James Deeny, Noel Browne and many others who played macro and micro roles in the significant reduction in deaths from disease in childhood.

Research project on childhood disease


In October, I began a three year  Irish ResearchElevate Fellowship in the National University of Ireland and Queen’s University, Belfast to research this dramatic changing landscape of childhood disease, which is in general a good news story for Irish society and Irish public health.  While statistical and documentary sources will be important to the project, a key feature will be a series of qualitative interviews with medical professionals, with people who worked in relevant Government and local authority roles, and with parents and sufferers. I intend that these interviews should, at the conclusion of the project, be available in an open access archive to other researchers. 

Mother (to District Visitor): "Lumme, miss! There ain't no danger
of infection. Them children wet's got the measles is at the 'ead of 
the bed, and them wet ain't is at the foot.
London Mail, 23 October 1913
Image courtesy of the Wellcome Library
The project builds on and was partly inspired by the RAMI Living Medical History project; Susan Mullaney, Mary O’Doherty and  Patrick Plunkett of the RAMI section on history of medicine devised this innovative project to interview retired medical doctors about their working lives, collecting memories on the changes in medical practice over the course of their careers. Several of the LMH interviewees had either suffered from diseases like diphtheria and tuberculosis themselves, or had family who did, and this really brought home to me how all-pervasive the effects of childhood disease were on Irish society, that they were not merely confined to the poor and the badly-housed, but could also invade better-off families.

Oral history of medical practitioners


Oral history interviews can add flesh to the dry bones of statistics. When working on my PhD on the effects of the 1918-19 influenza pandemic here,  the people who spoke to me about suffering this influenza as small children, or who told me about how their families coped with the tragic losses of children or parents to the 1918-19 flu, breathed life into its history, recreating the fear caused by the unpredictability of  this most awesome of influenza pandemics.

In the case of this new project, I am hoping to find people who can talk about the changing landscape of childhood illness in the twentieth century, from their own perspective, whether as medical workers, patients, parents or as Department of Health officials and politicians.

I’m curious about issues like knowledge transfer – how and what did parents learn about treating the illnesses their children caught?  As a child growing up in the 1960s, I recall my mother hanging blankets over the windows when we caught measles; the information she had been passed down by her mother was that children with measles could damage their eyesight if they read or were in daylight.

When I had my own children in the 1990s, I was struck by the efficiency and dedication of a district nurse in north Kildare who made sure we parents brought our children for vaccinations, and cajoled and informed those parents who had reservations about allowing their children to be vaccinated. Getting medical workers like her to talk about their work is one of the goals of this project. This district nurse was, it seems to me, a local hero, a micro role player who was a small but significant cog in the expanding machinery which managed and significantly improved the health of our children over the course of the twentieth century. 

Dr Ida Milne is a social historian based at NUI Maynooth and Queen's University Belfast. She holds an ELEVATE Irish Research Council International Career Development Fellowship co-funded by Marie Curie Actions. 

Monday, 10 June 2013

The Irish experience of polio, 1940-70 by Stephen Bance

In this month's blog post, Stephen Bance, MA student at the Centre for the History of Medicine in Ireland, University College Dublin, writes about his research project on the history of polio in Ireland, 1940-1970.


Polio and history

One of the first recorded polio epidemics occurred on the island of Saint Helena, a British colony, in 1836. Outbreaks followed later in the century in Norway, France, Sweden and America. By March 1955, the World Health Organisation recognised that polio was ‘a practically world-wide disease’. In Ireland, polio was scarcely known prior to 1940. The first significant epidemic occurred in 1942 and the incidence of the disease fluctuated during the following years. The worst epidemic wave occurred in 1956, when approximately 500 cases were notified nationwide. Yet, with the exception of Laurence Geary’s short overview of the epidemic in Cork, polio has been largely ignored in Irish history. An exploration of polio in Ireland will provide a new lens through which to critique public health legislation in the mid-twentieth century and uncover Irish lay and medical understandings of disease. It will contribute to the Irish literature on the epidemiology of diseases, eradication programmes and public health policies, which, to date, has focused primarily on tuberculosis. 

Group of polio and arthritic patients on the sundeck, USA, undated photograph.
Courtesy of the National Library of Medicine, Images from the History of Medicine Collection. A015237


Polio project structure

The project is divided into three thematic sections:

1. What was the geographic and demographic distribution of polio?

This section of the project maps the incidence of the polio epidemic at a regional level with a view to revealing the topography of the disease. While the impact of the 1956 epidemic upon Cork has received analysis, little is known of polio consequences nationally or, indeed, whether its effects varied in urban and rural environments. In addition, the study will provide a demographic profile of its victims in terms of age, sex, marital status, class and outcome. It will also interrogate the types and forms of diagnosis and treatment assigned to sufferers. This data will establish whether the gender, class and age of sufferers impacted on susceptibility to the virus and on access to treatment and vaccination.

2. What were the social and cultural meanings assigned to polio and to its victims?

In his study of the American experience of polio, David Oshinsky contextualized the outbreak within the increasingly suburban, family-oriented, and hygiene obsessed 1950s, arguing that the nation’s most affected by polio were considered to be the most hygienic and least at risk to infectious diseases. The impact these domestic hygienic practices had on Ireland in the 1940s and 1950s is unclear, however it would appear that medical research on the epidemiology of the virus in Ireland examined whether the Irish were racially susceptible to the disease; an anti-body survey carried out by the Medical Research Council in 1956 revealed that antibody levels among Irish children were dangerously low. Examining medical research into disease aetiology conducted in Ireland, the study will uncover the social and cultural assumptions underpinning theories of susceptibility to polio.

Polio epidemics were capable of generating widespread fear and apprehension within the communities affected. In a contemporary account of the 1956 Cork epidemic, Patrick Cockburn suggested that public fear of the disease outlasted its virulence within society and the possibility of its return terrified communities. Drawing on newspapers, correspondence and memoirs, the study will look at the social responses to polio, especially the widespread fear of the disease and the consequent stigma attached to sufferers and groups who were identified as likely carriers of the virus. It will consider whether ‘fear’ had a negative impact upon public health initiatives, thereby exploring how social histories of diseases can become intertwined with political and policy narratives. Government press releases and publicity campaigns will give insight into the state’s efforts to assuage public terror. By situating the Irish experience within the international context, the study will consider whether there was universality to social reactions to polio in the twentieth century.

3. What was the public health response to polio in Ireland and how successful was it?

In his pioneering work on the history of public health, George Rosen argued that the protection and promotion of public health and welfare was one of the most important functions of the modern state. For Ireland however, it has been demonstrated that ‘few local authorities approached the problem of eradicating infectious disease with determination’ and only belatedly did public health became a matter of major public concern in the 1950s. James Deeny attested to a political disinterest in public health, concluding that in the case of tuberculosis, the Irish government ‘had been hoping the problem would go away’. Did they harbour similar hopes for polio? Preliminary research has revealed that Irish health authorities were slow to respond to the threat of polio, while specialist centres for treatment were only established fifteen years after the disease had been made notifiable. A Salk vaccination programme was introduced to Ireland in 1957, this was significantly later than in France, America and Britain.


A forgotten epidemic

Polio vaccine dropped onto sugar lump for young patients, c.1980.
Image courtesy of Wellcome Imagse, WFA WF/M/I/PR/P04
This section will examine the public health response to the epidemic at a local and national level, revealing the tensions at play that led to delays in implementing vaccination programmes and other initiatives. It will interrogate whether these failings were a result of underdeveloped public health infrastructure, politico-religious conservatism, an inert bureaucracy, economics or other factors. In addition, correspondence between public health bodies, the Medical Research Council and the Department of Health will reveal the factors informing the delivery of the vaccination programme; who was identified as especially vulnerable to the disease and why? The study will then uncover the impact delays in developing a robust public health response had on infection and mortality rates, especially among children, as Dr Noel Browne later lamented. By uncovering a near forgotten epidemic of 1950s Ireland, this project will add greater depth and sophistication to the literature on Irish health policy and infectious disease eradication.

Stephen Bance may be contacted at stephen "dot" bance "at" ucdconnect "dot" ie